HIV prevention

The following Report, Securing our Future: Lessons in HIV prevention for girls and young women (Jamaica) is a follow-up to the ‘Report Card on HIV Prevention for girls and young women, Jamaica’ (2006).

It presents current data on key points raised in the Report Card, outlines the recommendations of youth, from the National Youth Declaration, for addressing the gaps and challenges raised by the Report Card, and evaluates the data to justify the current value and importance of the Report Card.

The general position of the Report is, improving and increasing actions on HIV prevention for girls and young women is critical because “women are not only being infected with HIV more frequently than men, they are becoming infected at a younger age. The numbers of new infections peak among women between the ages 15 and 25 years, while for men this peak occurs a decade later, between 25 and 35 years old” (Mann & Tarantola: 1996).

Based on this situation, an absence of HIV prevention actions for girls and young women translates to an insecure and unsustainable future for all Jamaicans.

Fort Augusta Adult Correctional Centre (entrance)

I recently concluded a series of human rights workshops with inmates at the Fort Augusta Adult Correctional Centre,  located in Portmore, St. Catherine (Jamaica). The experience has left me hopeful–on account of participants’ enthusiasm to learn about human rights and quickly apply their newly honed skills to secure better living standards and quality of life; as well as institutional leaders’ enthusiasm to obtain materials and demand that workshops be designed for them as well.

Over the duration of my visit I have sought to: impart knowledge about human rights, advocacy, the Access to Information Act, networking and communications, leadership, conflict, group development, and participatory governance; transfer skills in: leadership, advocacy, and networking and communications; and gather data about inmates’ experiences realizing their economic and social rights (ESR), as well as the preparedness of Fort Augusta for development and participatory governance, via large group discussions, surveys, face-to-face conversations, and general observation.

View of Rehabilitation Unit and Training Rooms at Fort Augusta

It was quite encouraging finding that both the inmates and staff were interested in learning about human rights, not merely in order to protect themselves, but to better serve the Fort Augusta community. In fact, in conversations with institutional leaders such as the superintendents, assistant superintendents, and officers, I was asked to use my findings to help them lobby for and integrate a human rights approach in their work. Critical human rights tools were requested and disseminated to institutional leaders and inmates, and I was given the charge, by inmates and Superintendent Pitter to advocate to the Ministry of National Security (MNS) and the Department of Correctional Services (DCS) to take their human rights challenges seriously and consider mainstreaming it within the institution. To fulfill this charge, I must now assume the role of advocate in order to represent the issue to the various stakeholders.

In addition to universal education about human rights, which staff and inmates had consensus about. Inmates also noted that particular situations needed urgent attention if the institution was to be seen as fulfilling their fundamental rights as laid out in the: Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners, and the Corrections Act (Jamaica). The major complaints of the inmates are listed below:

1. Absence of a decent and routine family day–We don’t get to touch our kids, even if they visit. Of the 19 participants who were present at the Assessment Workshop, 10 were mothers who attested to not seeing their children in over one year. Of the 10 inmates who had not seen their children, at least six of them are Jamaicans, who have children in the island. The inability to see children is worsened by the fact that telephone calls to children are only permitted during the week and at hours when they are at school,
2. Roach infestation–I work in the kitchen and both it and the laundry area are infested with roaches. Even the seasoning for the food has roaches in it,
3. Rat infestation–the rats are very big, the size of mongooses, and they are in our dorms. We can’t sleep at nights,
4. Absence of toilet and shower facilities–there are no toilets and showers in the punishment block. We have to use buckets to defaecate in. I was there for about two consecutive months and I had to use newspapers as my toilet. People pass on the outdoor of the block and see us while we bathe inside,
5. Inadequate access to medical care–persons with medical conditions and illnesses  don’t get to see a doctor until at least one month after reporting the problem. There are persons with toothache who can’t see the dentist. I have had this condition on my foot since November, and four months have lapsed since I reported it. It is worsening but I can’t get the attention of a doctor,
   
6. Inability to realize all our rights to visitors–We are short changed or our visit times, as we are allowed five minutes rather than the regulated 15 minutes. Further, only three individuals are allowed to register to visit an inmate at a time, which takes six months to process for eligibility. If there are unforeseen circumstances, like loss of employment, which impair registered visitors, the inmate will have to wait another six months before a new batch of visitors are eligible. Inmates often times do not get their special meals during holidays like Christmas, on account of this situation,
7. Lack of privacy when inmates get visitors–An officer is always there, which makes it quite difficult and uncomfortable to talk with family and get emotional support,
8. Inadequate access to telecommunications–there are three phone booths and only one is working. This situation has made it very difficult to keep in touch with family, as two dorms comprising of a maximum of 28 inmates are allowed to use the sole functioning phone. Jamaican nationals get two minutes conversational time, and non-Jamaicans get five minutes, which expires by the time the connection is made overseas,
9. Slow processing and transfer of funds–foreigners have difficulty getting their money, which is sent by relatives. One British national noted that her brother had sent her cash (pounds) in a letter in September 2008, from which she was given the letter, but not the cash. On contacting the prison administration she was told that the money was lodged and is being processed. Since being told that she made three official requests (in writing), after which she was told that she should wait for them to contact her. Six months have now passed and the money has not been given to the inmate,
10. Unavailability of nutritious food–the tuck shop supplies only sweet juices and snacks, which does not encourage a healthy diet for our physical development and monthly nutritional needs,
11. No remuneration for employment within or outside the institution
12. Lack of access to grooming tools
13. Lack of uniformity of treatment of inmates by officers

Inmates maintaining Fort Augusta's Grounds

These challenges are certainly not insurmountable, and I believe that the stakeholders of Fort Augusta–Major Reese (Permanent Secretary, MNS), Dr. Edwards-Kerr (Director, Monitoring and Evaluation Division, MNS), Mrs. June Jarret (Acting Commissioner of Corrections, DCS), Mrs. Mabel Morris (Inmate Welfare Coordinator, DCS), Mrs. Sylvia Passley (Rehabilitation Coordinator, DCS), Mr. Courtney Gordon (Education Coordinator, DCS), Superintendent Kelly (Fort Augusta), Superintendent Pitter (Fort Augusta), Assistant Superintendent Schloss (Fort Augusta), Corporal Appleton (Fort Augusta), and Fort Augusta inmates–have the right attitude for development. I can’t wait to see the outcome of my charge, to advocate for the institutionalization of human rights at Fort Augusta–What a model this would be for Jamaican communities,  Fort Augusta: Prepared for Development!

Leaving Fort Augusta (with the prison behind this is the road ahead)

Queen Nanny of the Maroons (Jamaican $500 bill)

Quao’s Act gave the Jamaican Maroons, freedom and autonomy to govern their lives and community, independent of the Jamaican or any other external government. This Act positions them in a very unique socioeconomic and cultural space–where land taxes are not paid, as is the case of  the Moore Town and Scots Hall Maroons, and until recently, the Charles Town Maroons, through their Council,  policed their community and tried criminals in indigenous courts for all crimes, except murder.

Respect Yourself, Know Your Rights, JFJ

My education workshop on socioeconomic rights and justice, facilitated at Asafu Yard in Charles Town (Buff Bay), Portland on Saturday, March 7, 2009 was rather inspiring. Discussions revealed a desire to lobby for the reinstatement of the Maroon Police and Judicial System as a solution to community crime  and police brutality. The arguments in favor of this system included:

1. Need to curtail petty crimes, especially theft, which has become a nuisance to residents, and is perpetuated by residents from within the community,
2. Need to protect young men from the community who are frequently abused by the state police during community patrols,
3. Need to re-establish their right to autonomous governance over certain matters, as laid out by Quao’s Act,
4. Need to re-establish an effective, accountable, and transparent police and judicial system, which is respectful of Maroon rights and culture,
5. Need to elevate meritocratic and servant leadership models as the acceptable governance styles and practices–these are in stark contrast to the elective approach, typical of partisan politics and the appointment of the Member of Parliament.

Quao's Act, Jamaica

Captain Richard Irving, leader of the young farmer’s association is hailed by Colonel Frank Lumsden as a true servant leader–he strives to build the community; is dedicated to the growth of people; is aware of his strengths and capabilities, as well as the strengths of others; is futuristic; persuasive; has foresight; is a confidante; healer; listener. In plain language, he gives selflessly to Charles Town.

Maroon Museum (side view) from Asafu Yard

With such leaders sitting on the Maroon Council, Charles Town intends to advocate for the reinstatement of their police and justice system. Participants at the workshop commenced preliminary discussions about the ensuing community mobilization, advocacy and policy development activities that would be required–The idea of working collectively to solve local security challenges and justice issues was endorsed and encouraged by George Williams, Justice of the Peace in Charles Town and Pastor at a local church. He articulated confidence in the Maroon Council’s ability to provide accountable and transparent leadership, which he says is currently a dream in contemporary Jamaican politics.

A Dedication to Maroon Culture: Asafu Yard and Museum

Through my workshops, I attempt to encourage community leaders to participate actively in the governance process–something the Maroon Council has been doing since the 17oos, when Jamaica was a slave outpost. Maroon sovereignty resulted in the establishment of an indigenous governance system, which predates Jamaica’s independence by almost 200 years. With the passing of time and changes in the socioeconomic and political dynamics of Jamaica and the world, the Maroon Council has lost much of its influence and strength,  resulting in growing non-compliance to decisions and judgments and increased interventions by state police in local issues.

Musket used in Maroon War, Jamaica

The Justice of the Peace believes that Charles Town residents are resilient and creative people who, through their rich history, have provided model leadership and governance–unmatched in Jamaica today. National Heroine Nanny of the Maroons is an icon of African femininity in the West–her cauldron, which is still a source of Maroon inspiration, warms the spirits of today’s leaders, Colonel Lumsden and Captain Irving, who desire to demonstrate, through the Maroon Council, a model community governance system.

Nanny's Cauldron was deadly to Redcoates, but protected Maroons

People-centred Advocacy

Michael Moore is a favorite of mine. I think he has been doing very important work using film as an advocacy tool for resisting, engaging, creating, strategising, and bridging gaps in order to improve people’s lives. It is often times said that a picture tells a thousand words, and since discovering the power of film, I believe that it tells people’s stories, as seen in the following video of illegal immigrant workers to the United States of America.

Video advocacy is a powerful tool and it enables persons who are affected by a particular problem to: capture it as it happens, present the side effects and cumulative challenges, and show it to leaders who have the power to make changes. Video, helps community leaders to tell elected representatives, donors, and other stakeholders a more believable story. Video illuminates a problem, thus allowing it to be seen easily.

In my work with Jamaican communities, I therefore urge them to present testimonies of their experiences using video, audio, photography, and hand records. In today’s world of rapidly advancing technology, we can complement personal and community advocacy campaigns with handy equipment like a tape recorder and video and digital camera. In fact, the presentation of a convincing story that will stimulate emotions for social change are dependent on them.

Michael Moore uses testimonies, video footage, and photographs accumulated specifically for his advocacy campaign (as seen in the following video) to tell a convincing story and achieve a success!

Demonstration against Policies of the World Bank and IMF, 2005

Over the past three years, I have conducted social research amongst 30 communities involving some 600 Jamaicans, and over that time, I have realized that people are genuinely convinced that public (political) demonstration is the single most successful advocacy strategy that can bring about social change. In a recent workshop involving members of the Maroon Town community in St. James, I was informed by a participant that demonstrating was the tactic employed by their forefathers to fight the system of slavery, and “until now it is only thing that we, the people, can do to get the politicians to respond to and address our social needs”. Other participants alluded to popular news (video) clips of local demonstrators and their apparent success in getting needs addressed on account of demonstrating.

Political demonstrations are popular protest forms in Jamaica because people get to articulate their message of frustration with a particular situation in a quick and efficient manner–all the relevant authorities and leaders at the parochial and national (sometimes regional and international) levels receive the message simultaneously, and they see that the people are not bluffing, “Enough is enough, we will not go on any further like this, you must do something Now!” With this approach, the community is relieved of the burden of community and personal empowerment for community development and sustainability. In other words, there will be no need for fancy letters, elaborate meetings where more promises are made, and further more the hard work and cost associated with capacity development of the people to do something that the Member of Parliament was voted in to carry out is eliminated. If we follow this thinking, Jamaica can easily have a unique community demonstrating everyday for more than a year. There are more than 700 communities in Jamaica, each comprised of smaller districts. In the Maroon Town Development Area, there are 12 districts, each comprised of 300-500 households.

Is political demonstration really the most efficient way for our communities to advocate for social change?

Community education and capacity development on rights, advocacy, and leadership, are presented as options to communities, but leaders noted that the potential for those to make meaningful and sustainable social change will be affected by the following:

1. High rates of political apathy at the community-based organization level
2. Limited security and voting rights  by some members of inner-city communities
3. Migration of the most empowered from the rural and inner-city communities
4. Growing tendency towards individualism
5. Limited political power, clout, and influence of community organizations and leaders to hold elected representatives accountable
6. Limited community development programs and support
7. Lack of respect for constituents and lack of transparency by elected representatives
8. Lack of prioritization of constituents needs by elected representatives.

Elements of Advocacy

With all this said, do you still wonder why communities keep on demonstrating?

The Government of Jamaica put new laws in place to control demonstrations, and not even the Mayor of Kingston, Desmond McKenzie, was speared by the police, when he and a group of representatives from the Jamaica Labour Party dared to demonstrate before Jamaica House. Historically, political demonstrations have played major roles in bringing about social change across the world. In Jamaica, this is also the case, and with it comes the possibility of political conflict between the state (represented by the armed police force, on hand) and the affected group (made of unarmed, but very disgruntled citizens on the other). Such conflicts are particularly noticeable when the political rights of the people (affected group) to assembly and speech are not respected by the state. Despite laws stating that demonstrations are to be planned and brought to the attention of the police via formal letters, community leaders believe that this will only doom their demonstration exercises, as their efforts will be blocked. Regular Jamaicans therefore see the law as an attempt, by the Government, to minimize their political power, which creates social change. In the eyes of community leaders the choices for social change are few:

1. Seek education and capacity development to empower the community to contribute tangibly to social change and creating indigenous solutions
2. Flout the demonstration laws and risk your life, because you believe that by not doing so you will never get the requisite attention, or
3. Be apathetic to community development and doom your life to inadequate living conditions.

Though education and emowerment for community development is a long term investment with long term results–it will provide sustainable social benefits to individuals, as well as the Jamaican society. Certainly, risking life and dooming ourselves to underdevelopment are not natural human tendencies, so although our frustrations and passions might stimulate us to conceptualize a demonstration as a core strategy for social change, let’s resist this urge and build ourselves so that we can create a coordinated advocacy and community development campaign, in which demonstrations are just one of the many strategies for addressing the problems we face.